It's been a great couple of weeks for the immigration reform effort. First, last week
President Obama announces that he's determined to live up to the promises he made on the campaign trail and begin facilitating a national dialogue in support of immigration reform. But the administration knows that immigration reform is one of the most challenging issues around, especially during an economic downturn, so it got out ahead of the predictable uproar by offering a helpful and clear-headed frame around the issue. Basically, the administration said this: immigration reform isn't an effort to add millions of new workers to the workforce, it's simply an effort to recognize those who are already in the workforce. An argument of this nature has the benefit of being both reasonable and true. How about that?
And then earlier this week we learned that the A.F.L.-C.I.O and Change to Win, two vital segments of the American labor movement, had forged a compromise to support the reform effort, including a disciplined path to citizenship for the undocumented.
Why would two previously warring factions of the labor movement, two groups who represent many 'laborers' in the truest sense of the word, come around to be on the same side of this issue? Well, as the NYT pointed out in its April 14, 2009, editorial, "[e]ven in a bad economy--especially in a bad economy--getting undocumented immigrants on the right side of the law only makes sense." The editorial furthers the argument thusly:
The country has suffered mightily in the meantime. American workers and businesses continue to be undercut by the underground economy. The economic potential of some of the country's most industrious workers is thwarted. Working off the books--and living in constant fear of apprehension--they earn less, spend less, pay less in taxes and have little ability to report abuses or to improve their skills or job prospects.
The ingredients of reform are clear: legalization for the 12 million, to yield bumper crops of new citizens, to make it easier to weed out criminals and to end the fear and hopelessness of life in the shadows; sensible enforcement at the border that focuses on fighting crime, drugs and violence; a strengthened employment system that punishes business that exploit illegal labor; and a future flow of workers that is attuned to the economy's needs and fully protects workers' rights.
In other words, the writers of this editorial get it. The legal American workforce doesn't gain anything by allowing the underground economy to exist in its current state, especially on the 'lower', less educated end of the skill spectrum. If a scrupleless employer is faced with the prospect of hiring a likely undocumented worker for $6.50/hr., or a fully documented worker for $8.00/hr., who do you think he's going to hire? Nine times out of ten he'll choose the guy willing to work for less, the guy with no legal protections. To say that immigration reform and the legalization of millions of undocumented workers is somehow going to hurt the legal American workforce is exactly wrong. The tough part, however, is helping people see beyond their learned biases and come to terms with this basic economic reality.